Rough Banning and Soft Monopolization
London – January 10, 2018
With 1058 practices that violates international conventions , the Egyptian authorities are still adopting the use of violence and assaults human rights represented most notably in banning newspapers and websites, death penalties and life sentences in addition, a severe and bad medical conditions for journalist prisoners and having them being listed as terrorists because of only opposing current administration, assures that the current regime lost its legality, transparency and credibility.
The national and privately owned media collusion with state institutions by supporting and literally banning and blocking all means of expression and directing deliberately public opinion to support the general-turned-president Abdul-Fattah Al-Sisi made them lack the most important strand of democracy ‘ political liberalization’ represented in free and independent press. Moreover, cases of journalists killed in the course of their work since the military overthrow of the elected president Mohammed Morsi in July 2013 did not act according to law. Thus, supporting the current regime illustrates suppressing human rights, repressing freedom of speech and forging facts.
2017 has been experiencing huge turnovers on non-Egyptian and Egyptian journalists and media professionals. Such that, new prisons were built up to absorb the growing number of innocent journalists being arrested under the current regime . And this practice ensures the elimination policy that the regime adopts to silence pen and camera holders from speaking up facts and truth that the regime aims to hide. Undermining the legal rights of journalists and media professionals from expression violates all international norms and ethics specially that these norms were signed by the Egyptian state in international conventions presented at UN.
2017 can be described as the year of ‘Soft Monopolization’ – trying to control and own national and private TV channels where these channels will express only the current regime aims and goals without giving the chance for any opponent to express their opinion. It is the year of massively banning websites and the year of authorizing harsh sentences against journalists and media professionals. Amid ongoing legal and security crackdown on them, Al-Sisi administration continues to ensure the persistence of one military role in a clear emphasis on no opinion goes beyond the military opinion and the upper hand goes only to military officials. And this asserts the policy that was established and prevailed in the sixties of the last century where Egypt had suffered severely.
A total of 1058 violations against media freedom in Egypt were recorded during the past year (2017), about half of which were related to websites banning (466 sites) beside, freezing and confiscating properties.
Violations also included the detention and arrest of large numbers of journalists and photographers (62 cases of temporary or extended detention), 29 of them are still detained since they were arrested last year until the publication of this report to join their colleagues who were imprisoned since four years.
At the same time, 25 journalists who had imprisoned for long periods ( varies between months and years by pre-trial detention decisions or by rulings of civilian or military courts) were released during this year (2017), bringing the number of prisoners by the end of the year to 106 (journalists, reporters, field photographers and trainees) either by pre-trial detention decisions or by court rulings.
Among the most prominent detainees of this year were Ikshef’s journalist and researcher Ahmad Abu-Zeid Al-Tanoubi, Ahmed Abdul-Aziz, Hossam Al-Suweifi, Badr Mohammed Badr, Ahmad Zahran, Mahmoud Khalil, Islam Abdul-Aziz, Abdullah Qadri, Said Hashaad and Al-Sayed Taha Ibrahim.
Meanwhile, the most prominent who got released out of prisons were Hani Salahuddin, Hassan Al-Qabbani, Ahmad Sebei, Musaad Al-Barbari, Walid Shalabi, Mahmoud Mostafa Saad, Mohammed Saber Al-Batawi, Abdu Desouki, Ahmed Abu Deraa, Ahmed Fouad, Musaab Hamed, Abdul-Rahman Yaqout, Hamdi Abdul-Aziz and Mohammed Abdul-Moneim, either by their sentence had been completed or their pre-trial detention ended , or by receiving amnesties .
In addition to blocking the websites and monopolizing TV channels, violations related to communications and trials came in forefront with 120 violations during the year, followed by arrests and detentions (62 cases); physical abuse (61 cases, the most stark of which was the attack on journalist Suleiman Al-Hakim and the partial demolition of his house after appearing on some of the opposing TV channels that broadcast from Turkey) , prison violations (59 cases, most notably of journalists Hisham Jaafar, Mahmoud Shawkan, Ahmed Zahran and Osama Al-Beshbishi) and coverage prevention with 45 cases.
Cases of prevention of writing amounted to 15, and cases of publication banning and legislations restricting freedom were 13 cases. This is in addition to travel-related violations, suspension of colluded TV programs such as the temporary suspension of the Al-Hayat and Al-Nahar channels, Al-Aashera Masaa program for the host Wael Al-Ebrashi after a telephone interview with the former presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq, and the confiscation of an issue of Al-Bawabah newspaper because of reports against the former interior minister Habib Al-Adli; and the freezing of funds and properties of some news websites such as Masr Al-Arabia, Al-Borsa and Cairo Portal. Although the above channels and news papers were supporting the regime, they were punished by suspension because they hosted previous pre-2011 revolution officials that reveals that the current regime is practicing more cruelty and brutality policy than the pre-2011 revolution regime used to adopt .
2017 witnessed issuing severe sentences amounted to death sentences against 4 journalists associated with Al-Jazeera news network, one of them was sentenced in his presence ‘Ahmed Abdu Afifi’, while the other three were sentenced in their absentia. They are Ibrahim Hilal, the former news director of Al-Jazeera, Alaa Sablan and Asmaa Al-Khatib. Life sentence were issued in the absence of TV host Sherif Mansour of Watan TV channel, as well as the life sentence in presence against photographer Islam Jomaa of Misr 25 TV channel. Sentences of 5 years in prison were issued in absentia against media professional Ayat Orabi, TV host Abdul-Rahman Yusuf and artist media professional Mohammed Shoman. Sentences of 3 years in prison were issued in presence against journalist Mohammed Hassan Abossoul of Akhbar Al-Youm newspaper, and in absentia against Ayman Gaballah the director of Al-Jazeera Mubasher channel. 4 journalists were sentenced to 3 years in prison in the case known as insulting the judiciary, namely Abdul-Halim Qandil, Ahmed Hassan Al-Sharqawi, Nouruddin Abdul-Hafiz and Abdul-Rahman Yusuf. In the same case, a fine of 30,000 pounds (about 1,600 dollars) was issued against TV host Tawfiq Okasha in the same case.
Restricting the right to travel on journalists in national newspapers is a dangerous precedent, with the expansion of investigations against journalists on publishing-related charges (Amr Badr and Tareq Hafez for instance ). This comes along with the issuance of decisions to releases on bail despite the provision in the law that states not to hold journalists in custody in cases of publication. These violations put Egypt in the forefront of the countries most violating freedom of press .
On the other hand, the case of killing journalist Mayada Ashraf remains a legal and human rights dispute in light of the continuation of the Criminal Court hearings in Cairo until February 11, 2018 to hear the verdict, in the absence of the real culprits. This is in addition to courts ignoring the files of all the victims killed after July 2013 including Ahmed Abdul-Jawwad, Tamer Abdul-Raouf, Habiba Abdul-Aziz, Ahmed Assem, Mosaab Al-Shami, Mike Dean, Mostafa Al-Doh and Mohammed Helmi.
Dedicating intelligence efforts to dominate media
2017 witnessed the largest change in media policy in Egypt in terms of extending the dominance of the intelligence services on many of the most influential media platforms, which can be described as a process of “soft nationalization / monopolization”, beside the new pro-regime TV channels that were launched. There have been large acquisitions by intelligence agencies through civil interfaces represented in companies and investment funds. They have been able to purchase many TV channels, newspapers and websites from the original owners using methods of enticement (carrots) and intimidation (stick), as happened with the businessmen and previous TV owners Naguib Sawiris and Al-Sayed Al-Badawi, through transferring their shares to trusted businessmen Mohammed Al-Amin and Ahmed Abu-Hashima for example. The aim of buying these TV channels is to achieve the vision of the current regime of what it called the media lining behind their leadership.
At the beginning of the year, particularly on January 14, a new television network was launched in Egypt causing huge propaganda . It is DMC network owned by D Media company for media production, an intelligence-owned company (according to many media reports) . The channel has a budget of about 100 million dollars. The network has 10 channels, including a public one, a 24-hour news channel, a sports channel, a children’s channel, a drama channel and a movie channel. The network has obtained permissions to broadcast in locations unauthorized for any other media outlet.
By the end of the year, and particularly on December 19, the largest media acquisition deal in Egypt’s modern history took place where the ownership of the Egyptian Media Group and the subsequent channels, newspapers and websites (17 channels, websites and companies, most notably ON TV, Youm7 and Al-Omma newspapers) moved to the newly established Eagle Capital company, headed by Dalia Khorshed, former Minister of Investment.
It is important to highlight that D Media Group (linked to intelligence agency), which owns the DMC and Al-Nas channels and Radio 9090 had already announced a deal with the Egyptian Media Group on September 9, 2016 which demonstrates intelligence movements to monopolize national and private media.
In a similar deal not previously announced, an informed source within the CBC channels network said that the shares of intelligence in the network were transferred covertly in December 2017 to the Egyptian Media Group, thus Eagle Capital became also owning a share about half of the CBC.
On September 13, 2017, Tawasul (a subsidiary of Falcon company owned by the military intelligence) announced that it had acquired Al-Hayat channels owned by Sigma company that is headed by Dr. Al-Sayed Al-Badawi (Head of the Al-Wafd Party). The deal was worth 1.4 billion Egyptian pounds (About 80 million dollars). This deal resulted in constraints forced by authorities against Al-Hayat network and stopping its broadcast on the pretext of late arrears owed to Media Production City. According to reports, this incident came in response to the stance of Al-Wafd party members against the government’s agreement to hand Tiran and Sanafir islands to Saudi Arabia.
Falcon Group started its media activity mobilization in Egypt by launching DRN radio and assigned its management to its Home Media company (HMC) . On August 28, 2017, Falcon purchased the Al-Asema television network (owned by MP Said Hassassin) that had become the second media arm along with DRN radio in affecting pubic opinion.
In October last year, Al-Mottaheda Press and Information Technology company (owned by the intelligence) announced that it had acquired a share in the CBC and Al-Nahar networks, a merger that failed last April to launch. Al-Nahar network quitted.
Dominating media organizations
One of the most significant events of 2017 is the formation of the three media bodies monitoring the media system in Egypt: the Supreme Media Regulatory Council, the National Press Authority and the National Media Authority that were set up under the presidential resolutions Nos. 158, 159 and 160 of April 11, 2017 and also the establishment of the Media Syndicate which the prime minister issued a decision to form its provisional committee on March 7, 2017.
Despite of welcoming the establishment of this vocational syndicate after 20 years of arguments and that it results in the inclusion of all media professionals working in the official and private TV channels, former regimes refused to establish it for fear of turning into a situation similar to the Egyptian Journalists’ Syndicate “EJS”, which was a permanent headache for the authority; However, premier Sherif Ismail’s current government had no other way but to accept the establishment of the syndicate as a constitutional entitlement stipulated by the Egyptian constitution in 2012 and then in the amendments in 2014.
But this syndicate which the prime minister issued a decision to form its temporary administrative committee on March 7, 2017 did not hold elections for its board until the end of the year, although the decision to establish it included a maximum of six months from the date of the first meeting of its temporary committee to hold elections for the entire council. Beside this being a clear violation of the founding decision, it also prevented media professionals from gaining the protection they have long waited for which they need in the present circumstances. Moreover, the temporary president of the syndicate, Hamdi Al-Konayyesi, said on December 29, 2017 that the elections would take place in 2018 without mentioning a specific date. He also announced that he would run for president of the syndicate although, the law establishing the syndicate prevents members of the temporary administrative committee from running in the syndicate’s elections. Al- Konayyesi is currently seeking to obtain an amendment to the law of the House of Representatives to facilitate his inclusion in syndicate elections.
Media institutions that will monitor the media system were formed in a way that strengthens the hegemony of the executive authority. And this in turn, violates the constitution that states their independence.
These three bodies have become the executive branch of the executive authority suppressing media freedom rather than defending it, as was observed in 2017. They joined the EJS after March 2017 elections, which resulted in a majority of EJS board members who are associated with the authority. Most of EJS board had passive stance towards many violations suffered by journalists. Some board members are active against these violations, but their actions faced restrictions. The most recent violation was the arrest of some journalists like Ahmed Abdul-Aziz and Hossam Al-Sweifi. Thus, Egyptian media was deprived of protection provided by the Constitution represented in both the three bodies overseeing media and the two syndicates for journalists and media professionals.
Terror lists of and prevention
One of the recent violations witnessed in 2017 has been adding many journalists to lists of terrorism, where one of the lists issued in early January included 28 journalists and media professionals, and a decision issued by the Criminal Court to reserve their assets, prevent them from travel and seize their passports. All these procedures took place without trial and without allowing the defendants to defend themselves. This was repeated in May with inclusion of 15 journalists in a new list, and again in August with the inclusion of 6 journalists in a new list of terror entities. It is noteworthy that journalist Abdul-Rahman Ezz was arrested in Germany in mid-August because his name was included in one of these lists. He was released later for illegality of arrest.
April witnessed two separate incidents in which Sudanese journalists were prevented from entering Egypt and were deported back to their homeland, which sparked controversy among Sudanese journalists. The Sudanese Journalists Union issued a statement condemning the incident. Some Sudanese called for tit for tat with Egyptian journalists. Ikshef issued a statement condemning the ban on Sudanese journalists from entering Egypt and holding them for some time at Cairo airport before their deportation, as violating the rules of freedom of movement and travel between the two countries, and affect the existing relations between the journalists and media professionals of the two states.
June 2017 witnessed an important incident in which journalists were assaulted while staging a rally on the staircase of their syndicate to express their rejection of the Tiran and Sanafir Agreement – handing control over those two Egyptian islands to Saudi Arabia – following a sit-in organized in the syndicate, which resulted in the injury of some journalists and the arrest of a number of them in a similar incident that happened last year where security forces stormed the syndicate and attacked people inside.
July also witnessed forcing some journalists to request unpaid leave otherwise will be facing arbitrary dismissal in the Youm7 newspaper because of exercising their right to express their views through their personal accounts on Facebook. Not only the newspaper manager colluded with repression and confirmed it but even boasted it. This denotes a scandal and a crime that it is feared might be practiced elsewhere.
Egyptian authorities re-arrested journalist Hani Salahuddin, a managing editor of Youm7 newspaper on August 21, 2017 after a few weeks of his release from being accused of joining the Muslim Brotherhood for which he remained in custody for four years. He was arrested again as a result of a plot by Youm7 manager because Salahuddin submitted a formal request in order to return to the newspaper. Salahuddin remained in his new prison until October 11, 2017 and got released .
The year ended with the largest number of prisoners in one month. In December 2017, 20 journalists and photographers were arrested by the authorities. Four of them were released and 16 remained in a long queue of journalists imprisoned in Egyptian prisons, bringing the total to 106.
Note: (The details of daily violations during the whole year are published in the monthly reports issued by Ikshef successively )
Ikshef demands and notes :
1. Ikshef renews its demand for the release of imprisoned journalists who have been punished for their opinions or practicing their professional work, and calls for the reopening of TV channels and newspapers closed since July 3, 2013.
2. Ikshef calls for the provisions of the Egyptian constitution to be put into effect to guarantee freedom and independence of the press and prevent closures or suspensions, or imprisoning journalists in publishing cases.
3. Ikshef considers that many of the violations in 2017 were related to the presidential elections scheduled for April 2018. The year has witnessed a comprehensive preparation of the media environment to get in the presidential election season without any potential risks, similar to those in the 2014 elections, in which some TV channels showed empty polling stations. This preparation has been represented in many practical, legislative, organizational and security aspects.
4. Ikshef asserts that current regime’s targeting of one of Ikshef members, journalist and researcher Ahmed Abu-Zeid Al-Tanoubi, beside some journalists helping Ikshef, and fabricating accusations against them is a punishment for the activity of Ikshef. These brutal practices will not stop Ikshef from practicing and defending human rights as well as supporting knights of words and cameras with all possible means as the domestic official human rights bodies are away from effectively performing the role entrusted to them.
5. Ikshef asserts that the abuse of the journalists by all the systematic torture programs, especially with regard to the health file – Hisham Jaafar as an example -, the referral to the military courts where Al-Eskandarani is the latest case and the continued imprisonment outside the law and enforced disappearance – Hossam Al-Wakil and Omar Taha, the most recent cases – are completed crimes. Ikshef will continue to use international protection tools to address these violations and to put perpetrators under accountability by international institutions for their violations against journalists and media professionals, particularly in Al-Aqrab (scorpion) 1 and 2 prisons, which have witnessed systematic crackdowns against journalists, media professionals and prisoners of conscience.
6. Ikshef believes that the security measures aimed at muzzling and terrorizing journalists and media professionals prior to the presidential elections will be counter-productive and will not provide any positive results at the short and long terms, and affirms that the climate of freedom is the best for all in Egypt.
7. Ikshef calls upon the military establishment to stop all journalists’ cases referred to its courts as a first step and to open a new horizon in 2018 for a different scene that will preserve its role through clean procedures in favor of ending all systematic violations and taking serious steps in accordance with human rights.
8. Ikshef asserts that the continued failure of the Egyptian prosecution to open the file of press and media victims in the events since July 2013 is a serious violation of the law, the constitution and human rights, and this does not mean forgetting the rights.
9. Ikshef recommends that the families of press and media prisoners to continue to expose systematic violations and communicate with all parties concerned with freedoms and rights to put pressure on the current regime to release all journalists and media professionals and stop criminalizing the press and media in Egypt as many leading journalists were forced out in past periods.
10. Ikshef recommends to those whom it may concern that journalists and media professionals should be away of the equation of the political conflict raging in the country since 2013, and believes that all anti-human rights experiences are doomed to failure and non-continuation.
List of Currently (106) Jailed Journalists in Egypt:
1. Ibrahim Khalil Al-Dadrawi (Al-Qawmiya for distribution and Afaq Arabiya)
2. Ibrahim Suleiman (5thTV channel – state TV)
3. Ibrahim Talha (Freelance journalist)
4. Ibrahim Mohammed Abdul-Nabi Awwad (Rassd network)
5. Ahmed Abu-Zeid Al-Tanoubi (Al-Diyar)
6. Ahmed Bayomi (Al-Diyar)
7. Ahmed Hamouda Al-Sakhawi (Tahya Misr newspaper)
8. Ahmed Khamis Anwar Abdul-Qawi (Freelance journalist)
9. Ahmed Khamis Mahmoud Kheder (Freelance journalist)
10. Ahmed Abdul-Aziz Farahat (Masr Al-Arabia website)
11. Ahmed Abdul-Aziz (Al-Mawqef Al-Arabi)
12. Ahmed Abdul-Latif (Al-Manara website)
13. Ahmed Abdul-Monem Zahran (Al-Mukhtar Al-Islami magazine)
14. Ahmed Ali Ahmed Al-Najjar (Stringer for satellite TV channels)
15. Ahmed Ali Abdul-Aziz (Ghad Al-Thawra)
16. Ahmed Ali Abdu Afifi (producer of documentaries)
17. Ahmed Muharram Abdul-Salam (Stringer for Al-Jazeera TV channel)
18. Ahmed Nasser Abdul-Latif (Freelance journalist)
19. Osama Gaber Abdul-Salam Al-Beshbeshi (Baladi website and Al-Diyar newspaper)
20. Osama Mohammed Farag Al-Amrikani (Freelance photographer)
21. Osama Ezzuddin (Misr 25 TV channel)
22. Islam Al-Ashri (Freelance photographer)
23. Islam Gomaa (cameraman, Misr 25 TV channel)
24. Islam Abdul-Gayed Sayed Abdul-Aal (aka Islam Gheit) (Stringer for Al-Jazeera TV channel)
25. Islam Abdul-Aziz (Freelance journalist)
26. Asmaa Kamel Hassan Zidan (Fikra post and Al-Quds Al-Arabi websites)
27. Ismail Al-Sayed Omar Al-Iskandrani (Reseacher and freelance journalist)
28. Badr Mohammed Badr (Former editor-in-chif of Al-Osra Al-Arabiya)
29. Bakri Abdul-Aal (Al-Raya newspaper)
30. Belal Abdullah Ahmad Abdul-Rahim (Freelance journalist)
31. Jamal Al-Alem (Misr 25)
32. Hossam Al-Sewefi (Al-Fagr newspaper)
33. Hossam Al-Wakil (Al-Dostor)
34. Hussein Abdul-Halim (Al-Dostor)
35. Hamdi Mokhtar Al-Zaaem (Al-Hayat website and Baladi news agency)
36. Khaled Hamdi Abdul-Wahab (Misr 25 TV channel)
37. Khaled Abdul-Aziz (Misr 25 TV channel)
38. Khaled Mohammed Abdul-Rauf Sahlob (photojournalist, Rassd News newtwork)
39. Ragab Ahmed Al-Geddawi (Freelance correspondent)
40. Reem Qotb Jabarah Basyuni, (Independent film director)
41. Sameh Al-Ballah (Al-Sharq Al-Awsat newspaper)
42. Samhi Mostafa Ahmed Abdul-Alim (Rassd News Network)
43. Said Abu Haj (Sinai Media Center)
44. Said Imam (Freelance journalist)
45. Said Hashaad (Fikra post website)
46. Al-Sayed Taha Ibrahim (MENA)
47. Sayed Musa (Amjad TV channel)
48. Sherif Abdul-Muttaleb (Freelance journalist)
49. Shereen Said Bekheet (Stringer for satellite TV channels)
50. Sabri Anwar Mohammed Abdul-Halim (El-Badil newspaper)
51. Suhaib Saad Mohammed Al-Haddad (Stringer for Al-Jazeera TV channel)
52. Abdul-Rahman Ramadan Shahin Al-Meselhi (Misr 25 TV channel)
53. Abdul-Rahman Ali Mahmoud (Freelance journalist)
54. Abdullah Ahmed Mohammed Ismail Al-Fakharani (Rassd News Network)
55. Abdullah Jamaluddin Moftah (Stringer for Al-Jazeera TV channel)
56. Abdullah Helmy Mohammed Khalil Shousha (Amjad satellite channel)
57. Abdullah Rashad (Albawabhnews.com)
58. Abdullah Qadri (Al-Masryoon)
59. Abdul-Rahman Hassan Abdul-Hafiz (Freelance journalist)
60. Abdul-Rahman Mohammed Ahmed (Freelance journalist)
61. Aliaa Awwad (Rassd News Network)
62. Ammar Samir Abdul-Ghani Mohammed Al-Nesr (Stringer for news agencies)
63. Ammar Abdul Majid (Al-Hadath website)
64. Omar Khedr (Rassd News Network)
65. Omar Mohammed Mabrouk Al-Sawi (Stringer for Al-Jazeera TV channel)
66. Amr Al-Khafif (Former director of broadcast engineering in ERTU)
67. Karim Taha Shalabi (Al-Masdar)
68. Karim Al-Beheiri (Al-Masdar)
69. Magdi Ahmed Hussein (Editor-in-chief of Al-Shaab Al-Jadeed)
70. Mohsen Yusuf Al-Sayed Radi (Managing editor of Al-Tugariyeen and Al-Daawa magazines)
71. Mohammed Ibrahim Sharaf (Al-Hayat Misr TV channel)
72. Mohammed Ibrahim Shukri (Al-Omma TV channel)
73. Mohammed Ahmed Atyya (aka Mohammed Al-Shaer) (Freelance journalist)
74. Mohammed Ahmed Mohammed Shehata (Stringer for satellite TV channels)
75. Mohammed Al-Husseini (Al-Shura newspaper)
76. Mohammed Al-Sakhawi (Freelance journalist)
77. Mohammed Al-Said Al-Dashti (Al-Mashhad newspaper)
78. Mohammed Jamal (Freelance journalist)
79. Mohammed Hijazi (Misr 25 TV channel)
80. Mohammed Hossamuddin Abdul-Halim Al-Kafrawi (Stringer for Al-Jazeera TV channel)
81. Mohammed Hassan Abossoul (Akhbar Al-Youm)
82. Mohammed Hassan Mostafa Mohammed (Al-Nabaa Al-Watani)
83. Mohammed Khaled (Freelance journalist)
84. Mohammed Ragab (Stringer for Al-Jazeera Misr TV channel)
85. Mohammed Salahuddin Madani (Misr 25 TV channel)
86. Mohammed Salah Sowaidan (IkhwanOnLine correspondent)
87. Mohammed Salah Sharara (Qatari Al-Watan)
88. Moahmmed Ali Salah (Al-Shaab Al-Jadeed)
89. Mohammed Abdul-Nabi Fathi (Freelance journalist)
90. Mohammed Mohammed Hamza (Stringer for Al-Jazeera TV channel)
91. Mohammad Mohammed Mostafa Al-Adli (Amjad TV channel)
92. Mohammed Mostafa Bayoumi
93. Mohammed Mostafa Abdul-Nasser Abdul-Qader (Freelance journalist)
94. Mahmoud Abu Zeid, (aka Shawkan) (Demotix photo agency)
95. Mahmoud Jamal Ali Othman (Freelance journalist)
96. Mahmoud Hussain Gomaa (Al-Jazeera TV channel)
97. Mahmoud Khalil (Egyptian Radio)
98. Mahmoud Dawood (Al-Masryoun)
99. Mahmoud Mohammed Abdul-Nabi Awwad (Rassd News network)
100. Mohyi Qasem Mohammed Abdul-Jawwad (Freelance journalist)
101. Mostafa Amer Abdul-Salam (Freelance journalist)
102. Mostafa Madeeh (Freelance journalist)
103. Mostafa Ban (Stringer for Al-Jazeera Misr TV channel)
104. Moataz Mostafa Shahin (IkhwanOnLine correspondent)
105. Hisham Jaafar (manager of MADA foundation)
106. Yusuf Talat (Al-Sabab TV channel)
